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MARCANTONIO
DURANDO CM (1801-1880)
[To be beatified in 2002]
Thomas Davitt CM
[A talk given to the Vincentian seminarists in Philadelphia in October
2001]
Early years: Birth till ordination
Marcantonio Durando was an Italian of the Vincentian province of
Lombardy. He had two brothers who were very prominent in the military
and political
affairs of the time. He became Provincial of the province. He was
also involved in the foundation of communities of religious women.
He was born in the town of
Mondoví, 50 miles (80 km) due south
of Turin, in 1801. In 1773 Pope Clement XIV had suppressed the Jesuits
and in 1776 the Vincentians were given the Jesuit house and church
in Mondoví. The Durando house was next door to the Vincentians.
Marcantonio’s father was a lawyer, and ten children were
born into the family, seven boys and three girls. The first child,
a girl,
lived to be eighty. The second, Marcantonio Maria, died at birth.
The third, Marcantonio Serafino Donato died the day after his
birth. Then
came another girl, who survived. The fifth was a boy, who survived.
The sixth was our Marcantonio. Then came Giovanni, a celebrated
general, Giacomo, also a general and politician. Number nine
was a girl, who
survived, and the tenth and last was another boy Giacinto Antonio
Maria who died as at the age of eighteen. He apparently had some
connection
with the Vincentians, though the registers do not list him as
having begun his novitiate; perhaps he merely had indicated that
he wished
to join.
After the French Revolution the French invaded Piedmont in 1798
and stayed till 1802. Marcantonio’s father at first was against the
French revolutionary ideas, but then became enthusiastic for them.
His two sons who joined the military shared his liberal ideas. Marcantonio
did not share his father’s and brothers’ enthusiasm
for these ideas, which to some extent were certainly anti-clerical.
He
seems to have declared his intention to be a priest around the
age of fourteen, and his father did not object, as he made some
financial
arrangements because of this. Marcantonio did his secondary school
studies in the diocesan minor seminary in his home town, though
attending as a day pupil and not as a boarder. This was, partly
at least, because
his health was not too good. On 18 November 1818, six months
after his seventeenth birthday, he was received into the Vincentian
novitiate
in Genoa. There were five or six in the novitiate at that time.
As he would have done philosophy as part of his secondary schooling
he
began theology after his first year in the novitiate. He went
to the Vincentian house in Sarzana for his theology; this was
about
sixty
miles down the coast from Genoa. After one year there he took
his vows. Up till the early 1950s we took perpetual vows two
years
after entering
the novitiate.
In early 1822, when he was in third year theology, his health
began to cause some worry to the seminary staff. It was decided
that
he should be sent back to the community house in his home town
of Mondoví.
In those days there was a common medical belief that the air of a person’s
native place could restore a person’s weakened state of health.
His mother, who was sixteen years younger than her husband, died later
that year. On 12 June 1824 Marcantonio was ordained priest in the cathedral
of Fossano, about twelve miles from Mondoví. He stayed on in
the community house in Mondoví till mid-August, when he
was notified that he was being appointed to the mission team
in Casale
Monferrato, about thirty-five miles east of Turin. On the mission
team
He arrived in the mission house in mid-August 1824 and started
preparing the sermons which he would need for parish missions.
After almost
exactly four months he was sent on his first mission on 12
December 1824. This
mission, like most of those given from that house at the time,
lasted just over three weeks. Twenty-five days seems to have
been taken
as the normal length of a parish mission, though there are
variations of length on record. The team from that house gave
five missions
during
1825. I thought, at first, that this did not seem a large number
for a year, but if we regard each mission as being roughly
one month, and
allowing for breaks for the team between missions, and the
fact that all through the summer months there would be no missions
because
of farm work in the country areas, perhaps it is understandable.
Also,
the thinking at that time, not only in Italy, was that in the
off-season missioners were supposed to be studying, and revising
existing sermons
and writing new ones. The house also had ministry to the inhabitants
of their part of the town of Casale Monferrato.
In December 1825 the superior of the house died unexpectedly,
and Marcantonio was appointed acting superior, eighteen months
after
his ordination.
This would seem to say something about how he was regarded
by the community. Six months later, in June, the bursar of
the house was
appointed superior
and Marcantonion took his place as bursar. Early in 1826 his
father died.
From April 1826 till the end
of 1827 Marcantonio does not figure in the lists of missions given
by the team from
Casale Monferrato.
There
were three reasons for this. First, once again his superiors
were worried about his health, because missions seemed
to tire him out
more than
other members of the team. Second, he had a lot of extra
work as bursar during this period, as the community moved
into a
new house.
Marcantonio
had to see to the details of this, including attending
to much renovation work which was necessary in the house
into
which
they were moving.
Third, after the death of his father he had to take part,
with his siblings, in dealing with family affairs. The
family expected
him
to share with them the business sorting out of the legal
and financial situation of the family after their father’s
death.
Even though he was not giving missions, he was involved in
the other ministries of the house, catechising, preaching and
giving instructions.
The latter may, I think, have been some sort of adult religious
education. But he also used the time to evaluate the type of
sermons he had
been giving on missions, and to re-cast them in a more suitable
form. An
Italian confrere who published a biography of him in 1970,
put it rather well:
As is often the case with young priests, who always think that
they have found
the new formula for converting the world in two days, Father
Durando seems to have, from the start, lacked a proper perspective
in preparing
his sermons. But as soon as he realised this, he did not hesitate
in revising everything, from the very beginning, according
to a simpler and more concrete plan (Chierotti, 67).
He had taken as his model the published literary sermons of
great French preachers. During his period off the missions
he realised
that this
was hardly a realistic way of preaching to the rural population
of the northern Italy. He took the opportunity of completely
revising
his sermons, making them more suitable for the actual people
who would be hearing them. There was also another practical
problem.
Not all
the population understood Italian; there were French-speaking
areas and also parts where a local dialect was the spoken language.
He
referred to one parish where the people were ignorant of matters
of the faith
because the parish priest always spoke in Italian.
In 1827 he re-started his missionary work, with two missions
that year, five in 1828, seven in 1829 and four in 1830. In
August 1829
he was
transferred to the provincial house in Turin, from where he
continued giving missions. In that year he was elected delegate
to the Provincial
Assembly, being the youngest confrere at the assembly.
There is plenty of still extant contemporary
written evidence that Durando was the most talked
about of
the Vincentian
missioners. He seems to have had a charism for
evoking great emotional
response, and again and again there are references
to his hearers, lay
and
clerical,
being moved to tears. The Vincentians were regarded
as being missioners of the stricter type. They,
as a group,
had an
agreed approach
in
matters of moral theology. Durando’s professor
of moral theology advised his students to study
moral theology
very
well, and apply
its principles
with a tendency towards Christian strictness
in their early ministry, and experience would
gradually teach
them how
to be more understanding.
There is mention around this time of the fact
that Vincentian seminarists and students sometimes
took
part in missions.
During one mission,
when the weather was very cold, three fires in
different places were kept
going for Fr Durando. This is somewhat of a contrast
to the attitude of John Francis Gnidovec who
did not take
any protective
measures
against the cold.Superior in Turin
In 1831 Durando gave only three missions,
as he had been appointed superior of the provincial house in Turin.
This was only seven
years after his ordination, another indication
of the high regard in which
he was held. As well as his ministry in that
house itself, he was involved in ministry to diocesan clergy, seminarians
and nuns. On
the same day
that he was appointed superior of the house
in Turin the superior
general, Dominique Salhorgne, appointed him
Director of the Daughters of Charity
of the Province of Lombardy.
The story of the Daughters of Charity in Northern Italy is
a complex one, which I will try to simplify.
In the middle of the 18th century
there was a small community of Franciscan
Tertiaries in Montanaro, about twenty miles from Turin. They
had various charitable
works. After a while they came under the
influence of the Vincentians from
Turin
and gradually they took on the name, habit
and rule of the Daughters of Charity. In 1788 they were linked
with the Daughters
of Charity.
I will refer to them as the Montanaro community.
They had only the one house.
In the early 19th century there was another
group in Rivarolo, also about twenty miles
from Turin. There were five sisters,
with Mother
Antonia Verna as superior. They tried to
live in the spirit of the Daughters of Charity,
and the king approved that title
for them in
1828. They worked with the poor and sick,
and also in schools. They were under the
direction of the Vincentians from Turin.
I will refer
to them as the Rivarolo community. They also
had only one house.
As both the Montanaro and Rivarolo houses
were under Vincentian direction they had
something in common. In 1830 Durando became
director of
the Rivarolo community on the death of the
previous man. Vocations
were
coming, and he saw the need for clarification
of the status of the two communities in the
eyes of both the Church and the
kingdom, and
also clarification of the links with the
Daughters of Charity in Paris. In 1831-32
some diocesan priests tried to get control,
and
Durando
was prepared to let them, putting the communities
under the
jurisdiction of the bishops. The sisters
asked him not to allow this, and he agreed.
He founded a common novitiate in Turin for
the two communities,
and asked the Superior General to send two
experienced French sisters
from Paris to take charge. The house in Turin
was the property of the Durando
family. Vocations continued to come and more
French sisters arrived to give the benefit
of their experience.
For the sake of uniformity Durando asked
the original sisters from both Montanaro
and Rivarolo
to make
their novitiate
in the new
house in Turin, under the French sisters.
Mother Verna and the Rivarolo
sisters were in favour of the spirit of the
Daughters of Charity, but still
wanted to be a separate group with the right
to expand into their own choice of works,
confined to the Rivarolo
locality.
The religious
and
civil leaders of the area backed them in
this. This matter came to a head in 1834
when Mother
Verna’s
second term as superior came to an end. Durando
wanted them
to give up
helping the sick
in their
own homes, as not being the work of the Daughters
at that time and also being a source of possible
scandal.
The Rivarolo
sisters,
and
the local clergy and officials objected. Durando
put in a French superior with another French
sister. The
objections
continued,
so Durando withdrew
the French sisters and left the community to
its own devices. In 1834 the Vincentians break
all links
with
the Rivarolo
community, and the
four original sisters stay with Mother Verna.
She died in
1838 and the cause for her beatification is
in progress.
In 1835 the Montanaro sisters also went independent
of the Vincentians, leaving only the sisters
who had entered the new
novitiate in Turin
and the sisters who had come from France.
Keep in mind what I said at the start of
this section: what I have said is a
drastic simplification
of a complex period.
In Turin he had many contacts in high places,
because of the family to which he belonged.
But on the other hand, his two
brothers were
on the wrong political side and had to flee
from Italy. In the year of his appointment
as superior in Turin a new king
succeeded to the
throne, Carlo Alberto, and he was favourable
to Durando and the Vincentians and helped
in various ways, especially in connection
with the Daughters
of Charity. At first the archbishop was not
favourably inclined
towards Durando, but gradually changed his
attitude and appointed him a diocesan
examiner, censor of publications and eventually
made him one of his personal advisers.
As superior of the house in Turin one of
his ministries was supposed to be conferences
and lectures to priests and diocesan
seminarians.
He did not feel ready for such ministry,
because of his relative youth and lack
of experience; he was only thirty when
appointed
superior. He delegated this ministry to
other confreres while
he preferred
to
go on missions. However, he soon accepted
that as superior it was his personal ministry,
and he took it on. He soon attracted
attention
of
the wrong sort, as some of his listeners
accused him of being too strict and even
Jansenistic. Some of these people used
to go to his
conference
precisely to listen for expressions and
ideas which they could denounce. This is
probably
why the archbishop was not favourable
at the start.
On the other hand, he attracted attention
as being a very understanding and sympathetic
confessor, and soon became one of the most
sought after confessors in the city. On
Fridays when he was
hearing confessions
the traffic in the street became snarled
up with the carriages bringing people to
him. In 1832, the second year of his superiorship,
he initiated
lectures for lay people in the house in
Turin.
In 1835 there was a sexennial assembly of
the Congregation. I was a bit surprised
to see that there were only ten provinces
in the
Congregation
at the time. The Lombardy province
held its provincial assembly, and Durando was elected
second delegate. As the provincial
was eventually unable to go, for health
reasons, the first delegate went as his
substitute
and Durando became first delegate of
the province. It was his first visit to Paris.
The superior general, Dominique Salhorgne,
asked the assembly to accept his
resignation on grounds
of age
and ill health;
he was
seventy-nine years old. They accepted
his resignation, and Jean-Baptiste
Nozo was
elected to succeed him as twelfth
superior general. As Durando spoke fluent French
he was someone
who was noticed
by Nozo
himself, and
also by Jean-Baptiste Etienne, who
was both secretary general and procurator
general, and who would become thirteenth
superior general. He was the same
age as
Durando. During
his time in
Paris Durando also
took the
opportunity to meet the mother general
of the Daughters of Charity,
and Jean-Marie Aladel, the confrere
associated
with Catherine Labouré and
the Miraculous Medal.
.
In the year after his return from
the assembly, 1836, he re-introduced
the
Ladies of Charity
to Turin.
As well as all his pastoral ministry
he had a lot of administrative work
as regards the
house in Turin. There were problems
about where the Vincentians should
be
in the city, and which house should be the
central one and on which house
the available money should be spent.
The present provincial house, in
Via XX Settembre,
was the one that gradually got enlarged and
renovated by his efforts.
All this new work meant that he became
less involved in missions.
In 1837, while still continuing as
superior of the house, he was appointed
provincial
of Lombardy by the superior general.
This appointment would
seem to stem from
the impression he made at the general assembly,
particularly on the two key figures
Nozo and Etienne.
His fluency in French would also
have been an important
element
in the choice. He was only thirty-six years
old, and would remain in
office as provincial for forty-three years.
At the time of his appointment
there were
seven
houses in the province.
Provincial superior
The year of his appointment, 1837, was the
centenary of the canonization of St Vincent.
There were
big celebrations, understandably, in Paris.
Part of
the celebration
was the re-emergence of a fair degree of
normality after the upheavals of the revolution
and the
Napoleonic era which followed. Turin had
its own celebrations
for the centenary, and also with the same
overtones of the end of a long troubled
period of history.
The Congregation of the Mission was not
the only group involved
in the celebrations. Giuseppe Cottolengo,
later canonised, was an admirer and follower
of Vincent,
though not
in the Congregation, and he had instituted
many charitable works under the patronage
of St Vincent. The archdiocese and
even
the city municipality were also involved.
One of Durando’s contributions was the decision to have a biography of
St Vincent re-printed, in order to give people the opportunity of learning more
about the saint, the centenary of whose canonization was being celebrated. He
chose the biography written by an Italian Oratorian, Domenico Acami, which had
been first published in Rome in 1677. It was an abbreviated version of the biography
by Louis Abelly. Durando chose it because it was by an Italian, was short, and,
although it had gone through four editions, had been out of print for some time.
In the fifth edition Durando included the pastoral letter on the centenary by
the archbishop of Paris. He also included a sixteen page chapter on the Daughters
of Charity, taken from Collet’s biography
of St Vincent, to let the people of Turin know
something
about
the origins
of that
community,
which
had been re-introduced
into Piedmont not too long previously.
But as well as this broader intention
of making Vincent and his works better
known
generally,
his re-publishing
of Acami’s
book also had a narrower intention, aimed at the
confreres of his own province.
He felt that the
genuine spirit of the Congregation needed to be
re-invigorated, and that that would
in turn lead to an expansion of the ministry of
the province.
His personal experience of life in
the province convinced him that the
older
confreres, who
had gone through
the political
upheavals
of the
previous years,
were unlikely to be enthusiastic
for a change to a more disciplined lifestyle.
For this
reason, Durando decided
that the most suitable
context in which
to start introducing his ideas about
the
original spirit
of the Congregation was
the formation
programme for the seminarists and
students. Some years previously he had done something
similar
with the Daughters
of Charity.
He split the formation
programme
into three, with the seminarists
in Genoa, the philosophy students in Mondoví and
the theology students in Turin. He also put an
end to the practice of the students acting as prefects
in colleges.
His main reason for having the theology
students in Turin was so that he
could keep a personal
eye on them.
He completely re-organised their
study, bringing
in new courses in Scripture and
Church History. He also introduced what
he called Sacred
Eloquence, a
course which he himself taught.
This was probably
because
of his experience on parish missions.
One of his students remembered
later that Durando
always emphasised the
need for clarity of expression.
This clarity
was
needed both in speaking and in
writing.
His policy of starting with the
young in order to animate the province
with the
genuine spirit
of the Congregation
paid off quite rapidly, and
by 1840
he was
able to report an increase in vocations.
He had a waiting list of fifteen,
because the
superior
general had told
him not to accept more applicants
than the province
could absorb and support. He saw
a bit beyond this, because he wanted
the province
to become
involved in
foreign missions. He admitted that
originally that had
been his own personal inclination,
but since he realised that he could
not go
on such
a mission himself he wanted
to do all he could to advance
the work
of
such missions.
By 1842, five years after becoming
provincial, he had opened one
new house, in Sardinia,
and had 106 priests,
35 students and 15 seminarists,
46 brothers
and
8 seminarist brothers. Three
years later there were 39 students and
20 seminarists.
There had been a similar increase
in vocations to the Daughters,
who by
1845 numbered
260 in the province,
with about 30 in the seminary.
There was a general assembly
of the Congregation in 1843,
because
Jean-Baptiste
Nozo,
the superior general,
had been forced to resign.
Jean-Baptiste Etienne, secretary
general and
procurator general, was elected
by a huge majority,
on
the first count, as his successor.
Durando, of course, as provincial
of Lombardy
was present. It seems clear
that he was a great supporter
of Etienne ever since
the previous assembly in 1835.
One of Etienne’s priorities was to make a
personal visitation of all the houses in France.
The following
year he put into
practice a decision
of the assembly,
that in provinces where the provincial was superior
of a house that house should have its canonical
visitation made by the
superior general.
When
Etienne
had
completed his visitations of the French houses
he next
went to Lombardy to make a visitation of the house
in Turin where
Durando,
the provincial,
was
superior.
In his circular letter of 1 January 1845 to the
whole Congregation he expressed his great satisfaction
with what he saw in
the province of Lombardy. He
said that the King of Sardinia had told him personally
of the great esteem in
which he held the Vincentians, and Etienne says
he
heard the same from the clergy and
people. He also made visitations of the houses
in Genoa and Piacenza, and was equally satisfied
with
what he
saw. He did
not visit
the other houses
of the
province, but met their superiors and was pleased
with what they told him.
The central point in Durando’s programme for renewal in the province was
a return to the exact observance of the Common Rules. In this he would have been
backed by Etienne. Not every confrere of the province, though, was as enthusiastic
as himself about this, and in his first couple of years as provincial he had
the unhappy experience of some confreres leaving the Congregation rather than
fall in behind his reforming policy. He became provincial in 1837, and in 1838-39
nine confreres left, or roughly 10% of the priests of the province; one of these
later returned. During the political upheaval of the Risorgimento, in the years
1848-49 ten left, and in 1850-52 five more. Once again, one returned later. It
is interesting to see that Durando’s predecessor as provincial is reported
to have said, when he heard that Durando was to succeed him, that there would
be a drop in vocations and many confreres would leave. He punned on Durando’s
name, as duro in Italian means “hard, severe”.
He was correct as regards the departures, but incorrect
on the drop
in
vocations. This prediction may have been more of
a comment on some of the confreres
of
the province
than
criticism of the new provincial.
The political situation
in 1848 was centered
on the
call for
liberty, rather in the
spirit of the French
Revolution. The archbishop
of Turin forbade the
clergy to get involved
in this movement,
but in spite of this
prohibition some priests and seminarians
wore the tricolour
cockade
and took part in marches
and protest meetings.
Some confreres
were caught up in the
spirit of the times and called
for a more democratic
form of government in
the Congregation, including
changes to the rules
and style of dress.
Two confreres of the
province, on their own
initiative, presented
a request to the Holy See,
in which
they
asked
for:
1. That in the election
of the superior general
there
should
be one delegate
for every 25
electors, without
regard to provinces.
2. That local superiors
stay in office for
only there
years, provincials
and superiors general
for only six.
3. That general assemblies
have the authority
to change and update
the
Rules according
to the needs of the
time.
A biographer of Durando
mentions that one
the two confreres
involved left
the Congregation
and the other went
to work in America!
They presented their
petition to Rome
at the start
of June 1848.
It seems
that Rome
immediately
contacted
Etienne,
who issued
a severe criticism
in a letter
addressed to
all the Italian confreres
on
24 June. This
letter seems
to have been regarded
in Italy
as an over-reaction
to
the affair,
and
even
confreres
who did not agree
with the petition
to Rome
disagreed with
Etienne’s reaction.
There was a further petition to Rome in August, and Rome’s
reaction was to refer all the disputed matters
to the forthcoming sexennial
assembly. In October
Durando was called to Paris for discussions about
the matter with Etienne.
He wrote back
from Paris
on 21 October
1848, to
the superior
of the house
in Casale Monferrato,
which was
the centre
of the new ideas.
With regard
to similar
problems in
the Daughters of
Charity the
superior general proposed
to
establish a
province composed entirely
of Italian
sisters, recalling all
non-Italians.
Durando was
opposed to
this, and was
able
to ensure good
relations between
Italian and
French sisters in
Piedmont.
With regard
to the confreres,
he first
points out
that
the number
involved
is a very
small proportion
of the
whole Congregation.
They claimed
to have been
persecuted.
His reply
is that
it is not
persecution
to point
out that a
person’s
conduct and
expressions
of speech
are not as
they should
be, nor is
it persecution
to impose
a penance
in circumstances
where the
person
concerned
deserved
it. Durando
said he did
not have
any objection
to the fact
that these
men appealed
to the Holy
See, but
rather to
the way they
did
so. This
gave rise
to much criticism
of the Rules
of the Congregation.
It also gave
rise to criticism
of superiors,
with some
superiors
being called
despots and
tyrants,
and references
to the provincial
council as
animals.
It was
the younger
confreres
who were
mostly
involved.
He then dealt
with the
objection
that
some confreres
had been
dismissed
from the
community.
He said
that where
such dismissals
had taken
place they
were
in strict
conformity
with the
constitutions
and papal
bulls,
and so
could not be termed
persecution.
During
the generalate
of Fr Etienne
the fact
was
that the
tendency
was to
be even more
lenient
in such
cases
than the
opposite.
And it
was not
true that Fr Etienne
and his
council
were against
any change.
They
had, in
fact, in many
matters
adapted the Congregation
to
the circumstances
of the
time, but they
did so
always in accordance
with the
legal requirements,
and
through
the general assembly,
which
Durando
called “our house of representatives”.
He also
dealt with
anonymous
letters,
some of
which
he says
fell into
the
hands of
the superior
general
in a “peculiar and extraordinary way”. (I’d
like to know
what that
means). He
was saddened
by the tone
of these,
as well as
by their
anonymity.
He apparently
had seen
the letters.
He says
that he
can understand
and accept
the diversity
of opinions
expressed,
and can go
along with
some of the
demands being
made, and
is in favour
of progress,
but he cannot
accept the
way in which
these matters
have been
aired.
He says
that was
more like
what common
street corner
persons would
have done.
At the
end of
the letter
he
says
that he had
tendered
his
resignation
as
provincial
to the
superior
general,
since
all this trouble
had
occurred
in his
province
during
his period
of office.
His resignation
was not
accepted.
Finally,
a confrere
said
later
that
in
1848 Durando
in
one swoop
had
dismissed
thirty-six
students
because
of
their liberal
ideas,
and
said
that
he
would have
preferred
to
have kept
the
novitiate
closed
for
ten
years. This
seems
to
have been
merely
an
anti-Durando story.
In
fact
the
novitiate was
never
closed
during
his
period as provincial,
and
never during
the
whole
of
the
nineteenth century
were
there
as
many
as
thirty-six
students
at
the same
time.
Durando
and
the
foreign
missions
There
seems to
be some
evidence that
Durando’s intention in joining the
Congregation of the Mission had been because he wished to be sent on the foreign
missions. He took his vows in 1820, the year of Francis Clet’s
martyrdom, and that
event also seems to
have made an impression
on him in this connection.
Apparently
he specifically asked, at
least twice, to be sent.
He referred to this original
hope of his
being sent
to China in letters
to confreres who had
asked to be sent abroad.
Also, it was obviously
behind his evident enthusiasm
and support
for such missions
during his time as provincial;
if he could
not go himself, he was determined
to do all
he could in the way
of sending others.
His ideas about the
sort of men who should be
sent, or not sent,
on foreign missions
have survived in writing,
and it
is striking that
they are, for
the most part, equally
valid ideas for today.
He
was quite
clear in
his own
mind about
the sort
of men
who should
be sent
on foreign
missions. They
had to
be physically,
spiritually and
psychologically suitable
for such
exceptional work.
They were
to be
prepared in
advance for
that type
of work
in every
possible way.
They
had
to be
men who
could stay
with their
decision and
face up
to all
possible difficulties.
It was
the best
men of
the province
who were
to be
sent on
missions abroad.
At the
same time,
the needs
of the
province at
home had
always to
be balanced
against
the
needs abroad,
and sometimes
the talents
and gifts
of a
man might
mean that
he be
retained at
home even
though his
desire was
to go
on the
missions. That,
of course,
was what
had happened
in his
own case.
He was
also quite
definite that
a man
who wanted
to go
on the
foreign missions
in order
to escape
from community
life at
home, or
to go
merely from
a sense
of adventure,
should never
be permitted
to go.
In
spite of
all his
sound thinking
on the
matter, not
all the
confreres who
went abroad
in his
time made
a success
of their
mission. Experience
showed him,
for example,
that it
did not
always work
out well
if a
confrere was
too young
when sent;
some were sent even
before ordination.
Also, it
was not
possible to
predict how
a man’s health would react to conditions abroad. One man who was sent
abroad before ordination was Giuseppe Sapeto. This was before Durando’s
time as provincial. We met
him
already when talking about
Justin De
Jacobis. You remember
that he left his original
mission in Syria
and went to Ethiopia
without authorization, and
this
made Jean-Baptiste Etienne,
the superior
general reluctant to allow
another Italian
confrere, Justin, go
there. Sapeto eventually
left the Congregation
and the priesthood.
During
Durando’s
time as provincial he sent
Giovanni
Stella, in 1847, to
Ethiopia, but unfortunately
he also
left the Congregation
and the priesthood.
The
first group
sent abroad
by Durando
as provincial
consisted of
four priests
and two
brothers. They
left in
October 1840
for America.
Two of
this group
became provincials
in America:
Antonio Penco,
who had
to return
to Italy
.because of
the financial
ruin of
his family,
and Giacobbe
Rolando,
who
died in
Germantown in
1883, One
of the
other priests
of this
first group,
Fr Roatta,
whose first
name I
have not
discovered, had
to return
to Italy
because of
bad health.
At least
two others
of the
province left
for America
during Durando’s
time.
He
also sent
an initial
group of
two priests
and a
brother to
Brazil, with
at least
one more
going later.
He sent
three to
China, and
there is
a reference
to his
having sent
two “to the foreign missions” without
their destination being mentioned.
Durando
and the
Society for
the Propagation
of the
Faith
The
Society for
the Propagation
of the
Faith was
founded in
1822 Lyons,
in France,
by a
young lay
woman of
twenty-three, Pauline
Jaricot,
the
cause of
whose beatification
is in
progress. Her
purpose was
to arouse
interest among
lay people
in the
Church’s
foreign missionary work, and to ask them to contribute financially to the maintenance
and expansion of this work. One of the means which she and her council used was
the publication of a magazine, The Annals of the Propagation of the Faith. The
following year they were interested in spreading their work into nearby northern
Italy, and they contacted a Catholic newspaper published the Marquis D’Azeglio.
He publicized the new work, and the following year 1824 he was asked by the council
in Lyons to organize a branch of the society in his area. He obtained the backing
of the king of Sardinia and several bishops. The king wished the branch of the
society in his kingdom to be independent of the head office in Lyons, so the
marquis divided all money collected into two equal portions, one of which was
devoted to the spread of Catholic literature, which was his main work, and the
other half sent directly to Rome to the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation
of the Faith. The marquis’ main work was organized as a group called Amicizia
Cattolica, Catholic Friendship. In the late 1820s there was a spread of secret
societies of a political nature, and the king decided, for what seemed prudent
reasons, to suppress Amicizia Cattolica in case he would be accused of favouring
one such society. As the Society for the Propagation of the Faith depended on
the marquis’ main
work, it collapsed
when the other was
suppressed. This was
in 1828.
The
following year,
1829, Durando
came to
Turin. He
recognised that
the remains
of the
local organization
were still
there, and
people, clergy
and laity,
were
still
interested in
the work
of supporting
the foreign
missions. In
every way
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